Current migration crisis in EU and its impact on Political and Social Situation in Germany

Question Description

It has to be Master thesis

The context, data, analysis, and conclusions of the research are to be presented for assessment in a dissertation that should not exceed 20,000 words in length (excluding the bibliography and appendices) written in Harvard reference style.

The thesis should have a proper structure with a table of contents, literature review and references which related to the text and other parts as mentioned in ‘MA dissertation manual’ (file uploaded below) with a possibility to change after supervisor marks/comments.

You can find the example of the thesis uploaded bellow which was written and defended by the colleague from my university.

Time can be extended up to 50 days.

Please bid only if you are confident to write this thesis properly.

LAZARSKI UNIVERSITY
Faculty of Economics and Management
MULTICULTURALISM IN THE COUNTRIES OF THE WEST: THE CASE
STUDIES OF AUSTRIA, GERMANY AND THE UNITED KINGDOM
Wielokulturowość w Europie Zachodniej: studia przypadków Austrii, Niemiec i
Zjednoczonego Królestwa Wielkiej Brytanii
MA International Relations
By: ANTON PROIDAN
Student Number: 40928
Master Thesis
Dr. Iryna Polets
Warsaw 2018
DECLARATION
This work has not previously been accepted in substance for any degree and is not being
concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree.
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Date
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STATEMENT
I, being aware of all the applicable consequences, declare that the submitted dissertation,
titled in English and Polish, is the result of my own work and research.
Additionally, I declare that the dissertation does not infringe on any copyrights in accordance
with the act on copyright and neighboring rights, nor does it infringe on any personal rights as
protected by civil law.
I also declare that the submitted work does not contain data and information obtained by me
in a forbidden manner.
I also confirm that the submitted dissertation is identical with the attached electronic version
of it.
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2
Abstract
Multiculturalism is a unique capacity of multiple axiological features and moral values reflected
in approach to the notion of self-determination and attitude towards people with different
cultural background. It is the phenomenon observed from the notion of equality with respect to
the doctrine on Human Rights to be exercised among all people notwithstanding cultural and
ethnical background. This work is to present the problematics of European multiculturalism in
the light of recent events.
Nowadays, the phenomenon of Multiculturalism in Western Europe is associated with
populist speculations over refugee crisis observed from axiological assumptions dedicated to
the theory of ethnocentrism. The purpose of this study is to investigate the essence of this
contradiction terms of public space sharing in order to prove that populist speculations and
propaganda lead to the rise of nationalism and, consequently, appears to be the main challenge
for Western social democracy. If nationalists impose their views on European politics of
recognition it will influence not only identity politics but the whole political, social and cultural
agenda within Western Europe.
Social integration can be hypothetically achieved by unidimensional model of acculturation
with an emphasis on superiority of local sociocultural tradition on the one hand, and by the
multidimensional assimilation model without sacrificing origin dynamics for the sake of
predominance of local one. Therefore, research question is preconditions for further
harmonious assimilation and coexistence of diverse cultures within European public space.
Furthermore, it goes far beyond the surface standpoint and requires more profound analytical
framework of political spectrum that explains and, to certain extent, adjusts the recent trend of
the rise of nationalism. Even though, it is to present the paradox of self-determination followed
by the result of misinterpreting the problem of diversity. When it comes to assimilation and
pluralism, after all, it can’t be constrained by unidimensional model and needs multiplicity.
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Table of Contents
Statement of Originality…………………………………………………………………..……2
Abstract………………………………………………………………………..………………..3
Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………………4
1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….5
1.1. Literature Review…………………………………………………………………….7
1.2. Methodology………………………………………………………………………………13
2. Conceptual framework of the theory……………………………………………………….17
2.1. Multiculturalist terminology…………………………………………………………….17
2.2. Problematics of European multiculturalism…………………………………………22
2.3. Criticism of European multiculturalism……………………………………………..25
2.4. History of Immigration into Europe…………………………………………………29
3. Analytical Overview of Refugee Crisis…………………………………………………..31
3.1. Refugees Crisis and German Migrant Policy ………………………………………..32
3.2. European Migrant Crisis and Austrian Identity Politics………………………………36
3.3. Refugee Crisis and post-Brexit multiculturalism in UK ……………………………38
4. The politics of recognition and assimilation…………………..…………………………42
4.1. Case of Germany……………………………………………………………………44
4.2. Case of Austria………………………………………………………………………50
4.3. Case of UK………………………………………………………………………….56
5. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….63
6. Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………66
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1. Introduction
New millennium is characterized mainly by Information Technologies, Globalization and
Outsourcing trends within international environment as a platform for pluralist commonwealth.
Nowadays, non-state actors represented by transnational corporations have increased influence
on Global Affairs changing, in such a way, the nature of International Relations and
International Political Economy. Developing countries follow the Western World and
international communications and collaborations are evidently intensifying. ‘Technological
advancement and the quantum leap in global trade had enabled many countries to enter an era
of cultural diversity where intergroup contact with members of another ethno-cultural
community is the norm rather than the exception.’ (Leonga, Liu 2013) Twenty First century
person has access to enormous amount of information and opportunities. He or she is free to
follow his or her personal reasoning in such questions like self-determination, culture, religion,
traditions, customs, lifestyle, etc. Therefore, the concept of Global Citizenship, which was
primarily created and developed by Emmanuel Kant, finds a new reflection in contemporary
political philosophy due to specificity of globalized reality. The main idea of the concept is
similar to natural law and universality of human rights, while recognition depends on a way
someone sees himself or herself and his or her place in the world. Moreover, the uniqueness of
Western Civilization is being shaped by other phenomenon coming with Globalization –
Multiculturalism.
Doctrine on Multiculturalism is interconnected with a number of other theories and study
fields such as Sociology, Political Philosophy, Culturology, Migrant Policy and basically means
the dialog amongst different ethnic groups and representatives of different sociocultural
background within certain area as well as globally to be negotiated and maintained in
harmonious way. Although, there are various forms of the definition of this phenomenon, it is
viewed as both political and social concern in given work. Thus, it can be defined as Identity
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Politics or Politics of Difference, what is actually the state’s attitude towards minority groups.
It does not only include policies of maintenance of cultural pluralism and promoting equal
respect to all existed cultures in society, but also policies in which minorities are recognized by
state as representatives of certain ethnic or religious group they belong to even despite the fact
of discriminative element that very often might take place in such a case. ‘Multiculturalism has
been, from the very early days, a very ambiguous and therefore inevitably controversial
concept,’ – said Alessandro Silg in the introduction of European multiculturalism revisited.
‘Multiculturalism has never been immune to criticism or opposition, but it hits the media
headlines and climbed the agendas of governments (indeed, in some countries, became an
electoral issue) – after 9 /11 and the bombings in Madrid and London, in the Netherlands after
the assassination of Van Gogh, and in Denmark following the Jyllands-Posten cartoon affair.
These events influenced public opinion in most European countries, where in the meantime
doubts about the country’s assimilation approach had grown stronger.’(Silg 2010)
Multiculturalism is appeared to be even more controversial topic of political debate due to
strong criticism by ethnocentrism theorists it now faces. It objectifies topicality and academic
importance of chosen issue as of 2018. Refugee Crisis is taken as an independent variable
triggering new tendency of this recent criticism and of reawakening of Protectionism and Far
Right Politics in Western World, especially in Western Europe. Proposal is to analyze issue
from both liberal and conservative perspectives in order to conceptualize Post-Multicultural
Identity Politics in Western World. The main idea is observed from problematics of Identity
Politics, in particular, conflict of society and community; whereas, co-existence of multicultural
identities needs social, political and economic preconditions to be structured, organized and
maintained in appropriate way to secure public space and to prevent moral crisis, discrimination
and neo-nationalism itself. It is subjectively presumed that arising political influence of
Nationalism, being the consequence of speculations over Refugee Crisis, brings
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authoritarianism into Western society. Following this reasoning line, Far Right politics directly
threatens Western Social Democracy. Although, Nationalist’s assumption of securitization of
Refugee Crisis is to be refuted, conservative argumentation and extreme phase of current
Migrant Policy problem is also taken into consideration. Therefore, hypothesis follows the
controversial nature of problematics: harmonic co-existence of multicultural identities either
demands predominant national interest with unidimensional model of integration or
superordinate national identity can tolerate heterogeneous dimension of acculturation without
having sacrifice the origin identity dynamics.
Independent variable is contextually linked with hypothesis and requires more profound
analysis in order to justify conditions under which cultural diversity can be reconsidered. Rightwing populism’s interpretation of Refugee Crisis as a failure of Multiculturalism is seen as an
attempt to take advantage of situation sacrificing liberty for the sake of so-called conservatism,
which is, indeed, authoritarianism, in order to obtain more political power instead of providing
some practical contribution to the issue.
1.1. Literature review
Globalization strongly shapes post-modern reality changing not only sociocultural and
economic traditions but academic trends as well. Contemporary doctrines on International
Relations, Political Science and Post-modern Political Philosophy have been facing new
challenges due to the phenomenon of global multinational interconnectedness that had taken
place in twenty first century even to a greater extent. Globalized world has being built up on
new principles of the politics of place sharing with respect to human rights and individualism.
This phenomenon found the support of neo-liberal thought and criticism by conservative
stratum respectively. Multiculturalism, in its turn, appears to be the most disputable field of
study in such a context. Kenan Malik (2006) in his The Failures of Multiculturalism defines the
term multicultural as ‘the policies necessary to manage diverse society.’ According to him, the
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term ‘has come to embody both a description of the lived experience of diversity and a
prescription for the management of such diversity.’ Political controversy surrounding this study
discourse causes different interpretations of our issue. Existed dimensions are represented by
academic left and right as well as political debate, which is divided in the same way
respectively. Therefore, the proposal is to analyze the degree to which multiculturalism should
be reconsidered from both perspectives in order to find some kind of consensus. Although, far
right arguments tend to be speculative, its logic still makes some sense from the perspective of
security and national interest. If two people have different visions of the same thing, than,
perhaps, the truth is supposed to be somewhere in the middle.
The following review of literature is based on main ideas observed from findings of
mainstream scholars. It is to present academic background of study, major conceptions and
common trends in the field in general as well as in context of narrower topic related directly to
the study itself. The main purpose is to distinguish the logical sequence of reasoning line in
order to justify the importance of study and its topicality. Although, the main content is to
explain current agenda in academic circles, some groups of studies are worth mentioning in
support of the relevance of hypothesis. Moreover, certain amount of academic pieces we are
going to refer to contributes to the pattern of terminology and exact definitions that are crucial
in the study. The definitions of ethnopolitics, ethnocentrism, identity politics, pluralism,
xenophobia, migration and refugee crisis are of particular interest.
As of ethnopolitics, J. lshiyama and M. Breuning (1998) provide very clear explanation of
this notion in their Ethnopolitics in the New Europe. They use the term ‘to broadly describe the
politics among ethnic entities’ and to establish ‘congruence’ between culture and politics,
whereas, ‘nationalism is state of mind in which supreme loyalty of individual is felt to be due
to the nation state’. However, from their point of view, ethnopolitical parties are not necessarily
nationalist parties, but they are very often though. According to Don Ellis, professor of
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Communication in University of Hartford, ‘conflict between two or more groups is termed
“ethnopolitical” when ethnicity and religion are highly implicated in the ongoing state of
hostility’ (2014). He stresses in his Ethnopolitical Conflict that ‘these are intergroup conflicts
where group member attitudes, stereotypes, and forms of communication reflect the
ethnopolitical context’. The main essence of the conflict is contradiction between cultural
pluralism and ethnocentrism or nationalism in approach to identity politics. William R. Hazard
and Madelon Stent in their Cultural Pluralism and Schooling: Some Preliminary Observations
define it as ‘a term used when smaller groups within a larger society maintain their unique
cultural identities, and their values and practices are accepted by the wider culture provided
they are consistent with the laws and values of the wider society’(1973). Cultural pluralism has
similar but not the same meaning as multiculturalism. Antonia Pantoja, Wilhelmina Perry and
Barbara Blourock in their Towards the Development of Theory: Cultural Pluralism Redefined
provide us with very clear explanation of this difference. ‘Multiculturalism lacks the
requirement of a dominant culture. If the dominant culture is weakened, societies can easily
pass from cultural pluralism into multiculturalism without any intentional steps being taken by
that society. If communities function separately from each other, or compete with one another,
they are not considered culturally pluralistic’ (1973). This distinction is the key in terms of
hypothesis. With the passage of analysis, it would be possible to find out which model of
assimilation can be better in the countries of the world. Other words, is it necessary to have
predominant national interest so that to finally equalize cultural pluralism to multiculturalism
or is it possible to avoid particularism focusing more on global universal values commonly
shared among all human beings equally.
Sophie Watson with her Making Multiculturalism ‘contributed to a now well-established and
important set of literatures within sociology, geography, cultural studies and other disciplines,
which extend and expand our understandings of multiculturalism, intercultural conviviality and
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cosmopolitanism’ (2017). From her point of view, ‘in a world where these are under severe
threat from right-wing currents and politics across the globe, it is increasingly important that
academics take such endeavours seriously.’ (Watson 2017)
Research shows that issue is very controversial. One common finding is the division between
two opposite perspectives. On the one hand, multiculturalism can be seen as cultural diversity
– natural phase of human interactions. By this it is meant that all foundational principles of
liberal thought takes beginning from basic rights and freedoms to be exercised universally
among all human beings equally, wherewith equality of all people is considered to be the key
objective. ‘The liberal is in theory committed to equal respect for persons’, Bhikhu Parekh
argues in his Rethinking multiculturalism: Cultural diversity and political theory. ‘Since human
beings are culturally embedded, respect for them entails respect for their cultures and ways of
life’ (2006). This was the basis for the notion of democracy and human rights. That is why
study cases are the democratic multicultural states. On the other hand, research shows that
recent tendency of re-awakening of nationalism is the consequence of populist speculations
over refugee crisis. Filip Milačić & Ivan Vuković (2017) underlines the same tendency in their
The Rise of the Politics of National Identity: New Evidence from Western Europe. They state
that ‘numerous West European democracies are witnessing unprecedented levels of electoral
support for the populist radical right parties’. Austria and Germany are ones of those. Moreover,
they argue ‘that these countries’ electorates already came to be politically divided over
immigration to the extent that one could talk about the emergence of a new cleavage—ethnic
vs. civic citizenship’. Paul Taggart in his New populist parties in Western Europe also writes
about success of nationalist parties even despite the fact of that not being so evident in 1995,
when his work has been published. He tries to differentiate ‘new populism’ from ‘neo-fascism’.
According to Paul Taggart, ‘the reason many observers conflate the New Populism with
neo-fascism is that they both lie somewhere on the right of the political spectrum’
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(1995). Taggart really predicted the further dimension of development of this particular political
spectrum. What he has called ‘New Populism’ is exactly what now challenges multicultural
values in Europe. As a result, this has negative impact on people’s attitude towards
multiculturalism, who either idealize the notion or demonize it. Kenan Malik also contributes
greatly with profound research he had done mentioning the roots of dispute we are facing now.
Both racists and multiculturalists, the French philosopher Alain Finkielkraut
observes, draw on similar Romantic ideas of culture that go back largely to
the work of eighteenth-century German philosopher Johann Gottfreid Herder
(1744-1803). Herder rejected the Enlightenment idea that reality was ordered
in terms of universal, timeless, objective, unalterable laws that rational
investigation could discover. He maintained, rather, that every activity,
situation, historical period or civilization possessed a unique character. What
made each people or nation – or Volk- unique was its Kultur: its particular
language, literature, history and modes of living. The unique nature of
each Volk was expressed through its Volksgeist – the unchanging spirit of a
people refined through history. Every culture was authentic in its own terms,
each adapted to its local environment. Today, Finkielkraut suggests, Herder’s
romanticism inspires ‘at the same time…unyielding celebrations of ethnic
identity and expressions of respect for foreigners, aggressive outbursts by
xenophobes and generous pronouncements by xenophiles.’ The two sides
have ‘conflicting credos but the same vision of the world’. (Malik 2006)
The main tendency of academic dispute over multiculturalism is self-determination
appearing to be the reason for struggle between national and multinational identities. Therefore,
it is possible to divide all existed academic pieces, books, theories and ways of thinking into
the two main group of studies with totally opposed perspectives. As far as major trends
regarding multiculturalism are concerned, this is relatively new topic synchronous with
globalization starting with the end of Iron Curtain. Nevertheless, there is huge amount of written
literature dedicated to this topic with various contexts included. So, chosen literature is
specified by the criterions required for original methodology being successfully applied within
analytical framework of study. Although the work concentrates on 2014-2017 as the main time
frames within the case studies of the United Kingdom, Germany and Austria, some historical
and legal background as well as definitions of the main concepts and notions interconnected
with the issue itself are required for the sake of full adequacy of presented way of thinking. For
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the reason of that, reviewed literature is also divided with respect to semantic load into
additional and specific patterns.
Additional pattern is represented by set of sources, mainly edited books, which provide
general information, main points and historical background. It provokes the further specific
dimension observed from academic background. Specific pattern of reviewed literature is the
other set of sources represented by mainly scientific articles and essays that address the
narrower topic. Specific pattern is also subdivided with respect to concrete themes, such as:
assimilation, comparison of different local attitudes towards minority groups, social and
cultural preconditions challenging the notion of multiculturalism in the United Kingdom,
Austria and Germany respectively, etc. As far as additional pattern of reviewed literature is
generally concerned, the European perception of multiculturalism differs from that of the
United States. U.S. scholars emphasize the issue of cultural diversity. American scholars tend
to separate axiological assumptions from political ones. What matters is the legitimacy of
migration. European scholars put more accent on immigration within multiculturalism,
whereas, it is separate field in the United States. That is why it is much more controversial in
context of Europe, whereas, not separating security studies and migrant policies from
multiculturalism might be the weakness of academia. Multiculturalism must take its exact
disciplinary place not to be wrongly interpreted or confused due to speculations over refugee
crisis and populist propaganda.
Finally, the most specific pattern consists of the group of sources dedicated to study cases
and to the process of assimilation. Mariya Aleksynska & Yann Algan (2010), for instance
provide very clear information concerning the process of assimilation and acculturation in their
Assimilation and Integration of Immigrants in Europe. Panikos Panayi’s (2004) The Evolution
of Multiculturalism in Britain and Germany: An Historical Survey is exactly the case in point.
Bernhard Perchinig (2005) in his ‘Migration studies in Austria: research at the margins?’
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explains ‘national paradigms of migration research, how migration reflected as a part of the
changes in social-structural development, the role of the organizational and funding structure.’
His study is very good example of synthesized approach with respect to mutual
interconnectedness of politics and academia. ‘This study did not only mark the beginning of
migration research but also stands for the beginning of a tradition of highly politicized
research challenging governmental migration policies.’(Perchinig 2005)
Scholars make so much effort to classify the types of migrants but fail to recognize the
genuine nature of the problem, which goes far beyond politics and economics and touches upon
eternal philosophical rhetoric. The global failure of multiculturalism would create the world
looks like antiutopian version of reality. Moreover, it would be the reason for weakened
freedoms and strengthened constraints in every aspect of life. Therefore, the primary aim of the
work is to underline that multiculturalism is must on the global scale as well as locally. It should
be presented in new light promoting moral values and equality. Therefore, it should be
reconsidered on academic level, in terms of education in particular, on social and cultural levels,
on the level of the nation state as well as on political level in terms of both domestic and
international affairs.
1.2. Methodology section
Research question is the role and impact of assimilation model and its influence on effectivity
of the whole process of acculturation. Discovering the conditions under which would be
possible to have harmonious co-existence of diverse cultures within certain territory is the key
approach within analytical framework of multiculturalism and place sharing. The notion of
public space includes the necessity of sharing the same universal multicultural values. These
values have no connection with religion, ethnicity, traditions or customs of any nation state,
etc. Multicenter complex of basic objective narratives on universal morality determines the
dimension of acculturation. The process of acculturation would be more effective when the
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model variable is implemented with respect to specific socio cultural tradition of particular
territory. The correlation between powers and rights of both the individual and the state towards
each other internally and externally is central to the dialog of given discourse. Limits of rights
and freedoms advocated by the principles of national interest and general will provoke crisis of
individualism. Thus, state dictates the limit of individual right as far as it is contradictory to
common national perception. This is the common tendency of conservative argumentation
reflects the features inherent to authoritarianism, wherewith populism and propaganda
influence masses capturing all the attention on social constraints and stereotypes. Literally, any
kind of discrimination, neither on individual nor on national level, can be advocated by
unwillingness of place sharing on the grounds of diversity.
Methodology of study is based on subjective assumption observed from analysis of already
existed knowledge. Thus, original methods would be complementary ones to those of academic
mainstream. As far as the major contributions to multiculturalism had been already defined in
literature review, there are few trends, such as different approaches towards migration in the
European Union and in the U.S., two opposite opinions regarding European multiculturalism,
refugee crisis and radicalism as a valuable circumstances challenging the foundations of
multicultural values. Such trends explain the sequence of hypothetical paradigm.
Methodological orientation touches upon the variety of factors influencing the structure of
analytical framework. The proposal is to accept multiculturalism’s specific interdisciplinary
place along with the other fields of political and social science and the necessity of it to be
reconsidered due to the specificity of current agenda regarding study cases and relevant
problematics. It is social conflict on the ground of cultural diversity in European public space
on both national and individual levels. State intervention is not only required in cases of security
and regulations of borders. State needs to promote facilities for assimilation and supervise the
whole process. Factors that influence local attitude towards minority groups reflect the essence
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of problematics. All three case studies are adequately similar in terms of given context. As long
as radicalism exists and has being accepted by certain individuals by both sides, there will be
also a contradiction of Multiculturalism and Nationalism. However, it does not mean that it is
a good thing to promote Xenophobia and Racism using derogatory terms against people or
deprive them from their basic human rights on the grounds of intolerance towards certain
ethnicity, religion or ideology. ‘The referendum in Britain on the EU, and the ways in which
migration was deployed by the leave campaign as a politics of fear and xenophobia is a case in
point’. (Watson 2016) Furthermore, it has never happened before during parliamentary
elections in such a liberal countries like Germany and Austria, right-wing populist and national
conservative parties got so many votes. Alternative for Germany got ninety-four sits in
Bundestag, the Freedom Party of Austria in its turn – fifty-one sits in Austrian Parliament, while
the majority was taken by central-right conservatives – Austrian People’s Party.
All things considered, multiculturalist theorists try to confront pessimistic narratives of
prevailing racism, ‘dystopia, fear of strangers, dissonance, hopelessness and urban anxiety have
sought to mobilize different and less pessimistic accounts of co-existence of different others in
the city, drawing on a rich terrain of theoretical work, as well as empirical studies to support
their claims. In this vein, discourses of everyday multiculturalism’ (Wise & Velayutham 2009),
cosmopolitanism (Noble 2013), transcultural drift, cultural diversity and politics of difference
have been enunciated. Each one stands for various milieus of public space that is not as
separated or ‘segregated on racial/ethnic grounds as some politicians, the media and also
theorists would have us believe.’(Watson 2016) Right-wing populism is mainly oriented on
non-educated or weakly educated, very often, young people who face the problem of
employment. Nationalist propaganda exaggerates the agenda of cultural conflict, putting all
blame on immigrants and people of different ethnicity or skin color, which aggravates the
problem and leads to radicalism and violence on the streets as a result. ‘This is not simply an
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academic endeavour or gesture, rather, for many it is seen as a political strategy to reframe and
refute negative discourses which in part construct the very world that they aim to describe. Fear
breeds fear, and anxieties breed anxieties, as it were, with often-disastrous effects: the unknown
stranger becomes the cause of all evils.’ (Kristeva 1991) Self-determination is the issue of
individualism and it finds obstacles and constraints only within discourse of given problematics.
Given work underlines the importance of expected results for the notions of multiculturalism
and identity politics to address not only issue of equality and co-existence of multinational
identities but also social aspect of interaction, assimilation and conditions under which it could
have been done in order to secure public space from racism and xenophobia. Although,
hypothesis requires more profound analysis before having some concrete conclusion to be
represented, it is already possible to indicate multidimensional model of acculturation; but preconditions of its maintenance are still to be explored and proven.
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2. Conceptual framework of the theory
Although, the theory of multiculturalism is relatively new field of study and research area, there
are numerous interpretations and definitions of this theory. Promoted by mainly neoliberal
theorists and implemented in social democracies since globalization, the notion of
multiculturalism has been spreading overwhelmingly. For the reason of this, the theory finds
both supporters and criticists. Given study defines multiculturalism as the phenomenon resulted
by globalization and outsourcing trends, which tends to advocate the principles of place sharing
with respect to cultural diversity in public space and to promote relative identity politics
excluding any sort of discrimination. The phenomenon of multiculturalism as neoliberal
ideological set of values and identity politics accepted in advanced countries is based on the
socio democratic principles. From the point of view of liberalism as political theory and
analytical framework, multiculturalism is logical and rational outcome of globalized era. On
the contrary, from the perception of nationalism as social ideology and from the realist point of
view, multiculturalism has failed. Moreover, the theory of multiculturalism consists of the
neoliberal moral code and reflects the set of values that are crucial for individual freedoms,
human rights, mutual respect and tolerance. ‘Multiculturalism is the only conceptual framework
that is capable of making sense of the contradictions of contemporary race practice, where
racism is simultaneously rejected and reproduced.’ (Pitcher 2009)
2.1. Multiculturalist Terminology
The most known definition of multiculturalism is ‘the presence of, or support for the presence
of, several distinct cultural or ethnic groups within a society’ (Oxford Dictionary n.d.). So that
it means cultural diversity to be the concern of identity politics towards sharing public space
among people of different ethnic, cultural or religious background. The notion of public space,
in such a context, refers to the interconnectedness of the concept of place sharing and identity
politics. Interconnectedness of these notions explain ideological hierarchy of moral principles
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that constitute the basis for legal policies. Therefore, it is of extreme importance to have
freedom of different public opinions to be discussed openly. Furthermore, it includes an
understanding of the notion of self-determined identities constituting multiple mosaics of
cultural diversity within public space secured by civil society sharing democratic values. ‘Since
identity is a heavily theorized academic concept, treatments of identity have moved in recent
years, going from conceptualizing it as an essentialist preexisting construct that drives social
interaction, to postmodern accounts which treat it as more of a fluid and hybrid construct that
is constituted through discourse’ (Benwell and Stokoe 2006). That goes far beyond national
identity concerns including multinational societal norms universally implemented in developed
world. ‘Although multiculturalism is overtly inclusive, what came through the views expressed
were traces of implicit exclusionary discourse.’ (Knight 2008)
Given perception of pluralist theory aims to explore the genuine essence of the symptoms
caused by deeper problematical narrative. Therefore, given conceptual framework of
multiculturalism seems to surface complementary standpoint to the notion of society and public
space form the perspectives of universalism, and, as occurred, post structuralism respectively.
So that it appears to be impossible to identify specific field, while different perspectives are
required to provoke objective critical feedback due to observations from the combination of
different multidisciplinary fields of social, cultural and political studies. Objectiveness of
multiculturalist critique is based on multiple measurement of neoliberal, post structural and
universalist opinions on every cultural, social and political aspects relatively to study fields that
constitute contemporary perception of multidisciplinary theory of the phenomenon of
multiculturalism. Multiple framework configures all the fragments it consists of in order to
recognize pattern consistency and scientific novelty aiming to analyze arrangement procedures
required for maintaining multicultural and secure conditions within public space. The notion of
the limits of universalism is relatively modern concept of analyzing the essence of limitation to
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appropriate degree without sacrificing individualism. From the perspective of post
structuralism, the theory of recognition is the best approach towards understanding the essence
of axiology. The limitation is measured by the objective peripheries observed from most
commonly accepted set of moral principles and values.
The definition of the theory of multiculturalism ant it’s conceptual framework is the first
segment influencing the potential dimension of hypothetical assumption to be explored. The
second one is observed from the problematics of European identity politics and social worries.
The next stage is the understanding of the essence of cultural assimilation and the variety of
integration models with respect to controversial nature of this constant contradiction between
left and right. Other significantly important consideration is that populism in context of given
study does not refer only to far right. It refers to wrong interpretation and imposition of certain
idea opposite to the right of individual freedom. Study cases are to present the evidence of
radical manifestations and propaganda in Western Europe, the territory being the most desired
destination point for the people from developing countries all over the world because of values
that appear to be the reason for this territory to be so desired to get into. Unfortunately, not all
the immigrants try to associate themselves as those sharing these values. Even though,
multicultural values tend to constitute the circumstances in which it might be possible for
immigrants to be accepted, after all. Modern way of thinking excludes an obsession over
religious constraints and attachments towards original tradition to be prevailed in comparison
to the variety of others. Thus, the study of secularism also contributes to this issue. Moreover,
there are example of immigrants’ successful assimilation contributory to local social
environment. Theoretical framework of multiculturalism contrasts to the theory of
ethnocentrism and conservatism. It also embraces all the legal explanations of migration and
migrant policies and various definitions required in order to understand the phenomenon of
multiculturalism globally as well as in Western Europe, in particular.
19
Given study supports the neoliberal idea of secularism and, consequently, multiculturalism
as it stands for reconsidering the politics of place sharing with discrimination not to be accepted.
However, it includes the point of the dynamics of identity origin in terms of the territory this
origin belongs to. The fundamental difference between left and right wing is that it is very
unlikely for even radical left to be really radical or unidirectional in a sense of what is literally
far right radicalism. However, left wing extremism exists as well and is mainly based on
Marxist theories aiming to overthrow conservative and capitalist systems. It is subjectively
presumed that radicalism, either far right or far left has more in common than differ. By this it
is basically meant that radical left wing liberals and anti-fascists are not liberals anymore. If so,
they can no longer stand for such basic liberal principles like individual rights, freedoms of
speech and of religion, etc. The only accepted revolution is intellectual and peaceful.
Furthermore, this study determines the origin of European identity with multiculturalism itself
as the product of neoliberal values that have been finally established in twenty first century.
‘For liberals, the right amount of diversity – and the right amount of assimilation – is that which
comes about as a result of free choices within a framework of just institutions’.
(Multiculturalism and equal treatment author) These values take root from classical liberalism,
which had already been existed even before Enlightenment not as political theory but sort of
philosophy and way of thinking. The foundation of this direction of political philosophy begins
with Ancient Greece and Holy Roman Empire. It is assumed that European identity itself,
basically, appeared in twentieth century within European Union. In eighteenth century, for
instance, people in Europe used to associate themselves even not with the country but with the
city of their origin. Even though, Europeans were the ones who separated the church and the
state. Reformation has brought new light to the vision of political philosophy. So that, people
started to be able to identify themselves as citizens obeying to the existed laws and enjoying
their basic rights. At the same time they have the rights and the freedoms of religion. Modern
20
understanding of secularism has been based on this tendency of political philosophy. It is the
principle of differentiation the competence of cabinets and prelates in terms of politics and
religion respectively. ‘One manifestation of secularism is asserting the right to be free from
religious rule and teachings, or, in a state declared to be neutral on matters of belief, from the
imposition by government of religion or religious practices upon its people. Another
manifestation
of
secularism
is
the
view
that
public
activities
and
decisions,
especially political ones, should be uninfluenced by religious beliefs or practices.’ (Barry &
Keysar 2007)
John W. Berry from Queens University is very helpful with conceptualizing the theoretical
framework of multiculturalism. In his Intercultural Relations in Plural Societies: Research
Derived from the study of Multiculturalism Policy (2013) Berry stresses that Forming of
culturally diversified society is the outcome of input and adjustment of immigrants and locals.
Nowadays, many groups of people with different ethnical and cultural background share the
same public space in their daily interaction. The following outcome, according to Berry (2013)
is that ‘intercultural relations become a focus of public and private concern, as the newcomers
interact with established population’. It is crucial to our study to concentrate on ‘how, and how
well these intercultural interactions work out’ in order to recognize the best approach towards
the processes of integration and assimilation. ‘When individuals and societies are confident in,
and feel secure about their own cultural identities and their place in the larger society, more
positive mutual attitudes will result; in contrast, when these identities are threatened, mutual
hostility will result.’ (Berry 2013) The notion of the ‘larger society’ is related to the ‘civic
arrangement in a plural society’ with which all minority groups coexist with themselves as well
as with indigenous people. ‘Hence intercultural relations are not viewed as unidirectional, but
as mutual and reciprocal. That is the conception that has informed the multicultural vision in
Canada in 1971 and more recently, in the European Union in 2005.’ (Berry 2013) Canada is the
21
first country implemented multicultural policy. Obviously, it does not face the same criticism
we see in Europe now. That is why, given study differentiates the European perception of the
phenomenon of multiculturalism as the unique case due to specificity of current agenda in terms
of European continent. Therefore, Refugee Crisis, Brexit and far right populism is worth
mentioning even despite the fact of preference to general perception of the phenomenon of
cultural diversity being separated from migration policy as it has being done by the U.S. and
Canadian scholars.
2.2. Problematics of European multiculturalism
Problematics of multiculturalism from European perspective requires the history of
immigration into Europe to be taken into account. Without comprehending of the past there is
no way to analyze present and create future. History of immigration into Europe includes the
history of public concern and political response to this issue as far as it becomes more and more
critical and controversial. Furthermore, historical background of populism in Europe is worth
mentioning in such a context.
Thinking through historical experience is crucial as we face the puzzlement
of the speed of what is unfolding in the UK, across the Continent, and
elsewhere. Thirty years ago, ‘populism’ appeared as a scary narrative of the
post-1930s economic, and political crisis in Europe. Far-right populism was
identified with Fascism (Italy, Spain) and National Socialism (Germany);
racist and anti-Semitic ideological populism came to power in Germany with
the (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter Partei) being voted into
parliament in 1932. Likewise in Italy, Mussolini’s dictatorship was attained
initially by constitutional means, with the elected (1922) government under
the National Fascist Party being similarly backed by organised extraparliamentary militias. In that period, and with the background of
parliamentary, economic and social crisis, power was formally ‘handed over’
by state representatives, the king (Italy) and the Reichspräsident (Germany),
but this formalised a reality achieved on the streets. (Vieten & Poynting 2016)
Surprisingly, not only Germany and Italy felt guilt and shame for unaccepted expression of
radical nationalism, but the whole Europe, especially in academic circles and amongst
intellectual elite. Therefore, one can assume that it can lead to serious consequences regarding
22
modern values shared by institutions of the European Union and liberal left elite that have been
formed since the World War Two and, especially, since the end of the Iron Curtain.
Many people including, philosophers, politicians, humanitarians have always been of the
view that the minority groups within a culture that is politically dominant need to be
acknowledged in a special way regardless of their status in the society. This is what is regarded
as multiculturalism. In modern democracies, cultural pluralism has been a dominant force. The
minority groups have been excluded, discriminated against, and subjected to the process of
oppression. They have also experienced denigration of their contributions and identities. To
some people, the minority groups have no value to the society and they should not receive any
special treatment or any kind of treatment equal to the majority group. Multiculturalism,
therefore, is the view that the opinions and contributions from diverse members of the society
including the minority group require being taken into consideration. This requires being done
while maintaining respect for the minor differences (Watson, 2017). Furthermore,
multiculturalism seeks to withhold the demand the minority group assimilation into the
dominant group. However, as much as many people are for multiculturalism in many modern
democracies, there are challenges that result from it. According to Watson, (2017),
multiculturalism has brought with it challenges. The inflow of immigrants in most countries
who have adopted the policy of multiculturalism has been on the rise for past few years. Putting
more emphasis on Multiculturalism privileges the good of the minority groups over the
common good. This approach has been taken by some section of people as a way that potentially
jeopardizes the common good in favor of a minority interest. The theory of recognition within
the conceptual framework of post structuralism and universalism explains the controversy of
identity politics in Western Europe. That is from the essence of the problematics is observed.
Furthermore, the concept of the so-called ‘failure of multiculturalism’ refers to neo-populism
23
and the new form of social nationalism appeared recently on the basis of speculations over
European Migrant Crisis.
Populism followed by radical extremism, as a consequences of speculations over Refugee
Crisis and migrant policies of European Union, constitute particular set of circumstances in
which the notion of multiculturalism is being misunderstood and wrongly interpreted.
Consequently, it leads to arising nationalist narratives within European society, as a response
to multicultural ideology. Furthermore, everything is much more complicated than just
contradiction between ethnocentrism and multinationalism. This contradiction is, in fact, much
more ambiguous in contrast to what is being said by mainstream social media and public figures
so that it goes far beyond established stereotypes within political spectrum. The thing is to
separate political and religious beliefs from basic social interactions that are supposed to be
based on moral principles and ethics. If the person fails to treat certain people according to the
same principles applied to others, this person is no one but hypocrite and dissembler. Therefore,
it is already of no importance whether it is far right, far left or whatsoever. Such sort of people
can never be trusted. They change their political views according to what is better for their
personal interests.
Profound analysis of modern European political spectrum ruins commonly known
stereotypes of what is considered as left or right. There are plenty of examples how anti-fascists
attack people participating in peaceful right protests. This is a clear evidence of circled
radicalism that works the other way round as well. Furthermore, there are even other examples,
when we can see how left wing politicians threatens the freedom of speech. It, basically, means
that there is no good or bad, black or white. Instead, there is a multiple conflict of interests. It
can be resolved only with mutual respect, tolerance and cooperation. Unfortunately, there is a
great lack of mutual respect and tolerance in given context. The main essence of the paradox of
24
European multiculturalism is the tendency of distanced tolerance by the government without
getting into genuine problematics. European officials are so afraid of being looked like racists
that they fail to recognize existed problems. There is emergency to solve these problems though.
That is why such sort of distanced support for multiculturalism fails to present it consistently
in the light of recent tendencies and provokes radicalism form both sides to take place even to
a greater extent. If, for example, there is problem with Muslim minorities in European Union,
how EU government is going to solve it without accepting the fact that this problem exists.
Again, recognizing the problem with Muslim minorities does not mean promoting
Islamophobia; vice versa, it means to find the genuine nature of the problem and an attempt to
delete it or to minimize in order to improve conditions for their assimilation, integration and
further harmonious co-existence. We should not forget that newcomers are the only ones who
suffer from racism. Local people also feel unsafe and afraid of speaking freely about their
concerns because of extremists.
2.3. Criticism of European multiculturalism
Immigration into Europe explains enormous social tensions around the issue of identity. Mass
immigration and great replacement reasoned public dissatisfaction and inconvenience within
European society. Refugee Crisis is the highest pick of manifestations of this tendency followed
by tremendous anxiety among Europeans. Although, as of 2018, the most extreme phase of
European migrant crisis is behind, the problematics is still of serious concern as there is no clear
solution provided towards the impacts on European sociocultural tradition. It leads to
misunderstanding of the whole conception of public space, whereas, human interactions within
this public constitute incorrect reflection of analytical recognition of social balance. By this, it
meant that discrimination might be advocated by local self-determination principle. This
tendency emphasize dominant cultural tradition because of specific territorial frames this
tradition belongs to. It definitely has negative affect on potential assimilation of newcomers of
25
any kind. Moreover, it provokes those newcomers to reject modern vision of multinational
community. Newcomers feel strangulated and unsafe in such circumstances. As a result, they
start limit their interactions out of circles that are seemed to be unsafe for them in such a
situation. Other words, they interact only with each other and are not able to assimilate properly
with local community. That is the ground on which populism founds itself to be promoted. On
this ground, vast majority of speculations usually takes place in context of multiculturalism in
Europe.
According to American Heritage, Dictionary of English, populism is a theory with approach
to politics of people’s rights and power standing against established elite (2016). It can be either
left or right, but in both cases – it is nothing but radicalism. Therefore, there is no tolerance for
different opinions to be taken into consideration. However, considering opposed opinions is the
only constructive method of looking for the most suitable solution or some other sort of
consensus in any kind of conflict of interests or other controversial debate. ‘Critics of populism
have described it as a political approach that seeks to disrupt the existing social order by
solidifying and mobilizing the animosity of the commoner or the people against privileged elites
and the establishment’ (Orbach & Barak 2017). “Antitrust Populism”. NYU Journal of Law &
Business. 15.). Populism aims to create subjective hierarchy of values in accordance with local
identica’l stereotype followed by ethnic background. Propaganda and other materials used for
promoting of populist ideology of any kind are usually based on subjective axiological
assumptions. In relation to certain assumption, it can be questioned to which degree populism
limits the way in which social science contributes to contemporary politics of place sharing.
Furthermore, Populism is very much limited in terms of perspective throughout which it can be
viewed and analyzed. Unidimensional nature of this way of thinking regulates artificial
constraints in order to manipulate multitudes. Populist leaders do not educate people how to
understand better politics and their role to play in politics neither on local nor on national levels.
26
Radical narrative always focuses attention on problem, not on solution of this problem. From
the point of view of populism, it is always supposed to have common problem and common
enemy as the only side responsible for this problem to emerge. Opposition is supposed to be
blamed for any prevailing circumstances.
After the Second World War, liberal order was established in European continent. First
radical populist movements, similar to the kind of what we see now, have started,
approximately, since 70s – 80s. The dimension of such movements could have been
characterized as far right nationalism. They totally refused to characterize themselves as having
any connection with Nazi’s heritage though. ‘Generally, the majority of radical right-wing
populist parties are radical in their rejection of the established socio-cultural and socio-political
system and their advocacy of individual achievement, a free market, and a drastic reduction of
the role of the state without, however, openly questioning the legitimacy of democracy in
general’ (Hans-Georg Betz 1994). Furthermore, far left parties are usually associated with postcommunist socialist ideology that eventually stands for the common right of many instead of
individual right. It contradicts to generally known stereotype that far left defends everything
while far right threatens. Many people still believe that if you far right you are a Nazi or a
fascist. Indeed, it does not work like this at all. Everything is much more complicated and
ambiguous.
Nazism, of course, has not died after the end of the Second World War. It has been
transformed into Neo-Nazism. We can see the examples of it in Germany, even though Nazi
symbolics is banned over there. Also, it found reflection in Russian post-Soviet nationalist
movements. But this extreme radicalism has nothing to do with contemporary vision of
European political spectrum as there is no place for this ideology in Europe anymore. The new
generation of far right stands for almost the same values though. What is different is that they
have been already starting to consider liberal democracy as economically and socially beneficial
27
political regime. However, populists still tend to aggregate people into classes for the sake of
so called common good. Thus, they sacrifice the basics of human rights, equality and individual
freedom. Therefore, populism has become even a greater concern of contemporary social
democracy in most of the countries of Western Europe.
Again, right wing populist movements take place almost all around the continent of Europe.
In some countries this issue plays significant role in the results of elections, ‘possibly
disintegrating European parliament’. In 2014, the Research Committee on Racism, Nationalism
and Ethnic Relations (RC05) of the International Sociological Association includes this special
issue to the session at congress in Yokohama (ISA Research Committee 2016). It was a turning
point in terms of multiculturalism in Europe. Crisis in Greece, Humanitarian crisis in the
Mediterranean, Refugee Crisis resulted the explosion of xenophobia, anti-immigrant,
Islamophobic and nationalist movements across Europe. ‘The global rise of populist, right
wing, nationalist, xenophobic movements is in large part a reaction to the insecurities and
displacement of neoliberalism in the context of global financial crisis’ (Ulrike M. Vieten &
Scott Poynting 2016). Even though, if Francis Fukuyama’s concept of the ‘End of History’ is
to be accepted, neoliberalism is the end-point of the development of political philosophy. ‘What
we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular period
of post-war history, but the end of history as such: that is, the end point of mankind’s ideological
evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human
government’ (Fukuyama 1989). Conceptual framework of theory of multiculturalism, as it is
presented in given work, supports Fukuyama’s vision. Thus, it influences the perspective
throughout which social, political and economic system is analyzed. Neoliberal reality of
political, social and economic system of European Union constitute the circumstances in which
neither right wing oriented nor left wing oriented stratum allows to observe potential dimension
for successful integration. Paradoxically, due to this particular set of circumstances, it is unclear
28
whether, notwithstanding the side of spectrum, ‘far’ wing has less in common in comparison to
the difference between right and left ideology, or not. Thus and so, given work relies upon
ideological maxim instead of clichés and stereotypes!
2.4. Immigration into Europe
Immigration Policy, Assimilation of Immigrants and Natives’ Sentiments towards Immigrants:
Evidence from 12 OECD-Countries (2000) by Thomas K. Bauer, Magnus Loftsrom and Klaus
F. Zimmermann provides very helpful historical background of immigration in Europe. It can
be divided into four phases in the period after the Second World War. The first stage is ‘the
period of post war adjustment and de-colonization with the timeframes approximately between
1945 and early 1960s.’ (Schmidt & Zimmermann 1992) Germany encountered a tributary of
about 20 million people displaced by the war. ‘Great Britain, France, Belgium and the
Netherlands were affected by return migration from European colonists and the inflow of
workers from former overseas territories. The Netherlands, for example, experienced an inflow
of about 70,000 immigrants from Indonesia in 1946, followed by a second wave of additional
60,000 immigrants in 1950.’ (Van Ours & Veenman 1999)
The Second World War is a big tragedy that has taken too many lives of Europeans. For the
reason of that, there was a big gap in European labor market. European continent needed people
from the outside to work in factories. Majority of European countries represented the new
policies for simplifying the process of recruitment of immigrants. A number of treaties made
by German government, for instance, resulted mass immigration from Greece, Turkey,
Morocco and Tunisia. ‘Similar to Germany, Austria, the Netherlands and Sweden actively
recruited unskilled workers from Southern European countries. Net immigration to the north
from the Mediterranean countries in the period from 1955-1973 amounted to about 5 million
migrants’ (Zimmermann, 1995). The first oil price shock resulted the series of public worries
about the downturns and all European countries stopped recruitment processes. ‘After 1973,
29
immigration policy in the guest worker/labor recruitment countries became more restrictive.
Although the guest worker program was designed for temporary migration, return migration
was difficult to induce.’ (Dustmann, 1996) Other words, this phase of immigration into Europe
looked like reunification of the families, because relatives of immigrants, who had already
arrived, were still allowed to join their country them in their new place of residence.
The next phase of immigration into Europe is mainly associated with refugees and asylum
seekers. Before the end of Iron Curtain vast majority of refugees and asylum seekers were
mainly from Africa and Asia. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees, the total number of asylum seekers and refugees in Europe in 1987 was about
190,000 but increased to 700,000 by 1992 (Bauer, Loftsron & Zimmermann 2000). Political
instability in Eastern Europe after the collapse of Soviet Union, the war in Yugoslavia and the
conflicts between Turks and Kurds explain this tendency. Therefore, as of 1992 there were
much more refugees from Eastern Europe than from Africa and Asia altogether. It took time
for Europe to understand that it is impossible and irrational to accept everyone who wants it.
Western European countries has put a limit to immigration changing migrant policies towards
refugees and asylum seekers to more restricted. ‘Different to most other European countries,
immigration policy in the UK has been determined largely by relations with Commonwealth
countries. A guest worker policy such as in Germany, Austria and the Netherlands was not in
place’ (Hatton and Wheatley Price, 1999).
30
3. Analytical overview of Refugee Crisis
European migrant crisis, also refers to Refugee Crisis, is seen as independent variable in given
work. This study variable triggers recent criticism of the phenomenon of multiculturalism.
Speculations over study variable along with speculations of so-called ‘failure of
multiculturalism’, both by media and by academia, result overwhelming social tensions and
worries. ‘The crisis of refugees fleeing from war in Syria and other devastation from the Arab
Winter had not been imagined – at least not in the scale that eventuated, with its impact and
reaction in Europe’ (Vieten & Poynting 2016) Refugee Crisis is mass immigration or
replacement of numerous groups of refugees, asylum seekers or displaced people. It also relates
to challenges the hosting country faces due to the fact of European migrant crisis started in 2015
while a stunning number of people came to European Union through Mediterranean Sea or
Southeast Europe to claim asylum and social housing. And here comes the contradiction. There
is concept of historical injustice in post-colonial reality and moral obligation to help those who
are destitute and hard up due to a particular set of circumstances taking place in their countries
of origin on the one hand, and there is a troublesome capacity in circumstances of doing it with
negative impact on socioeconomic European traditions on the other. Although, an
overwhelming majority of those who are coming belong to the category of people who really
do not have other choice, so-called ‘asylum seekers’, there are some other categories, such as
economic migrants, some Africans simply coming with a stream and looking for a better life
and, what is worse, Islamic State agents undercover of refugees or migrants.
Evidently, European Union cannot accept everyone on a legal basis and human traffickers
provide them with illegal ways to get to so desired destination. Huge number of mainly African
illegal immigrants arrived by boats from Libya to Italy. Humanitarian crisis was the result of
human trafficking; whereas, people were simply overboard in Italian boarders to be rescued by
Italian Coast Guard Agencies. In such a way Italy was put into ultimatum situation kind of
31
either to rescue people and give them asylum, what by the way has being done by them since
humanitarian crisis, or simply watch them being swamped. If that is Eurosceptic assumption of
security, than security means something different for such kind of people. Of course, attitude
towards legal and illegal immigration should be totally different and different measures must
be taken notwithstanding Identity Politics in case of illegal one. The only exception might be
humanitarian help for asylum seekers. As far as the notion of multiculturalism is concerned,
both social and economic disadvantages of cultural diversity tends no longer to be the agenda
of National and International Security as illegal immigration unreservedly does.
According to statistics, prevalent number of immigrants belong to ‘asylum seekers’ category.
This is the category of stateless people who lost their homes, whose lives were in danger in
their countries of origin or who were persecuted by totalitarian regimes. United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees states that forty-six percent of immigrants who entered European
boarders during the crisis were Syrian, twenty one percent – Afghan, ten percent – Iraqi (n.a.
2014). All three countries are suffering from horrific wars and damages and those people really
need help from the West. Religion appears to be the other dimension of such a discourse
inasmuch as overwhelming majority of entrants are Muslims.
3.1. Refugees Crisis and German Migrant Policy
The adoption of the policy of multiculturalism in Germany has had its positive side and the
negative side. A decade ago, many people believed that multiculturalism was the way to go for
the Germans. Over the 10 years, a lot has changed. Most people who were for multiculturalism
has changed their mindset. They believe the policy is the one responsible for the influx of
immigrants in the country. For the past few years, more immigrants and in particular refugees
have arrived in Germany more than any other country. As of 2016, immigrant population had
hit a new high in Germany. According to the German Federal Statistics Office, 8.5%, which
translates to 18.6 million of the total population in Germany were people with an immigrant
32
background. This rise is attributed to the increased number of refugee in the country (Basilio,
Bauer, & Kramer, 2017).
Due to constant wars and high levels of poverty in the Middle East and Africa, many people
have had to flee to Germany in such of a better life. For this reason, over 3.1 million people in
German have family links in Africa and Middle East countries. The total number of people in
German who had an immigrant background as in 2016 was approximated to be 18.32 million.
In 2011 this number was 15.9 million, almost 19% while in 2005, the number was approximated
to be 14.11 million people (Basilio, Bauer, & Kramer, 2017). As it can be seen from the above
stats, the number of immigrants in the country has been on the rise every year. As mentioned
earlier, the rise of these numbers is attributed to the adoption of the multiculturalism. Regarding
the issue of migration in an out of Germany, another government statistic agency, Destatis has
been vocal about the number immigrants in the country as well as the number of people who
pack and move out of the country.
In 2015 the agency conducted a survey that showed that more than 2.1 million people
migrated to Germany in that year. This was a 46% increase compared to the previous year. It
was also noted that the largest number of immigrants came from the European Union
representing a whopping 55%, while 30 % came from the Asian country and 5% from the
African continent (Basilio, Bauer, & Kramer, 2017).
Germany had over a long time being regarded as a migrant country. Over the past years, the
country has to be the target influx flow of refugees mostly from Syria, Iran, and Iraq. This
refugee moves to Germany to seek for sanctuary and better life by fleeing poverty, war and
political instability in their respective countries. The high number of refugees in the country
has made political and social debate to arise with the concerned parties in the country. The huge
influx of refugees in the country presents social challenges. Integrating hundreds of thousands
33
of refugees with varying cultures and with very different outlook concerning participation in
society and the labor market would not only be a challenge but a close to impossible task to the
German government (Müller,2017).
Germany is bound by the 1951 Refugee Convention which she is a signatory not to subject
refugees to any kind of discriminatory laws. She also has the duty to offer the refugees the
chance to assimilate. The open bounder policy of 2015 has had many refugees move into the
country. The high number of refugee in the country has meant that the government and the
concerned parties are facing hardships in integrating these people both into the political, social
and economic aspect of the country. The high number of refugees has led to population increase
which in turn leads to a competition of basic needs with the residents. Poor living conditions in
for the refugees have been evident in most refugee camps in Germany.
Overcrowding in major urban areas has also resulted due to the impacts of open border
policy. Even though the policy was meant to do good to the refugees, they end up suffering in
the arms of the country that was meant to cater and provide for them a better life. The asylum
laws, which German has assimilated in its governance have dealt the country a major blow.
This is for the reason that the laws bind the country to assimilate as many as possible numbers
of refugees in the country. This has led to increased number of asylum seekers. It wouldn’t be
possible to integrate with such numbers. Therefore, most of the asylum seekers are never
granted the protection they wish in the country.
As from 2016, after the Germany government had witnessed the mass flow of refugees in the
country, migrant policy started to be changed. The government has since then moved to a far
less welcoming stance and reinstated border controls. Open border has been taken as the main
reason as to why the number of refugees has increased into the country. With this, the
government is seen it of importance apply the policy of close border system that restricts
34
unauthorized immigrants into the country. Consequently, the government has placed limits on
the number of asylum seekers who are to be assimilated in the country. Only 200,000 asylum
seekers will be allowed into the country every year (World Migration Report 2018). This is
according to Chancellor Angela Merkel. There is also legislation that has put in place to deal
with anti-Semitic immigrants. The proposal by Chancellor Angela Merkel is that any refugee
found guilty of such behavior would face immediate deportation.
The policy of the Germans has been to integrate and adopt multicultural concept and facilitate
a better life by letting people live happily side by side regardless of race, color, gender or any
other kind of discriminatory factor. However, this concept which is supported by
multiculturalism has not been what it used to be some years back. Refugees are people with
different cultures, religion, and political differences in comparison to the Germans.
Consequences of refugees’ crisis have had far-reaching effects on the entails of
multiculturalism. The main principle of it is to integrate minority group such as the refugees
into the social and political system.
However, this has not been the case, most refugees have been restrained in segregated areas
where social and political life if limited only to them. There aren’t such things as good life or
equal employment opportunities for medical care for refugees as compared to the Germans. In
recent times Germany has had a shortage of medical staff, but despite the Syrian doctors be
given the chance to practice their profession in Germany, the country continues to live with the
shortage (Müller, 2017). It has also been made hard for refuges student to gain entry into
Germany schools. They are instead required to pay a huge fee which they cannot be able to
raise with their condition. However, despite all these vocal humanitarians like Chancellor
Angela Merkel are on the forefront to ensure cultural pluralism is replaced by multiculturalism
which will facilitate a better life for the refugees in the country (Vasta, & Vuddamalay, 2006).
35
3.2. European Migrant Crisis and Austrian Identity Politics
The population of Austria is more spread and diverse in terms of culture and linguistic as
compared to other neighboring countries. The diversity has resulted due to the effect of many
years of migration. Statistically, the number of people who migrate into the country are more
than those who emigrate. According to information released by the Austria statistical bureau in
2016, 174310 people migrated into the country while 109634 immigrated to other countries
(Krzyzanowski, 2017). This brought the net migration of 64675 the same year. In the previous
year, the number of immigrants in Austria was recorded to be 113,067 (Krzyzanowski, 2017).
Most of the Austria immigrants are from other European countries with Romania, Hungary,
Serbia, Bosnia, and Herzegovina, and Germany being the leading countries who provide
Austria with the highest number of immigrants.
Other than the European countries, Syria and Afghan nationals represented the largest
number of immigrants in 2016. Most of these immigrants consider Vienna and upper Austria
as the major destinations. Under the program of the asylum, the country has witnessed increased
immigrants under the tag of refuges. The number of asylum seekers in 2015 was recorded to be
900000. This represents a 3 % increase from the previous year (Krzyzanowski 2017).
Due to the influx of high numbers of people who seek refuge in the country, the country has
had a share of the consequences of refugees’ crisis. The government red-white-red card has
enabled qualified third-country workers and their family to have permanent residence in the
country. The humanitarian program has enabled refugees and other people who have faced
human right abuses to have some kind of temporary residence. This is proof enough of the
countries commitment to be part of the multiculturalism society. The program is a contribution
to the international protection of refugee that is spearhead by the United Nation. Through the
program, Austria government is meant to offer the refuges a favorable and habitable
environment. They are to integrate them into the social and political system just like other
36
residents and treat them without any form of discrimination. However, taking in mind the
country is small, accommodating big numbers of refugees has brought the country many
challenges though not as compared to other countries like the UK and Germany.
With high numbers of refugees, security concerns and issues have increased significantly. A
security report of 2016 claimed that the country experienced a13% rise in criminal activity
associated with foreigners. According (Rheindorf & Wodak 2018) the asylum policy is too
blamed for the challenges faced by Hugh number of employees. The policy has allowed Austria
to have many refugees in the country than their capacity can hold. The conditions the refugee
have being subjected to is not that of big admiration. Foreign students find it difficult to access
or share schools with locals. Due to the influx of high numbers of people who seek refuge in
the country the country has a share of the consequences of refugees’ crisis. The government two
types of programs; the migration program and the humanitarian program.
The humanitarian program has enabled refugees and other people who have faced human
right abuses to have some kind of temporary residence. The program is a contribution to the
international protection of refugee that is spearhead by the United Nation. Through the program,
Australia government is meant to offer the refugees a favorable habitable environment. They
are to integrate them into the social and political system just like other residents and treat them
without any form of discrimination (Hollomey, & Kraler, 2016). However, taking in mind the
country is small, accommodating big numbers of refugees has brought the country many
challenges though not as compared to other countries like the UK, U.S, and Germany. Job
employment opportunities have reduced as a result of high population. In addition, the
conditions the refugee have being subjected to conditions that are not of big admiration.
The refugee camps in Austria are not as overcrowded just like in most countries. There is
also the concern whether the program will be sustainable in the next five years taking the
37
magnitude by which the number of employees is becoming big. With the small capacity it has,
the country may not be able to accommodate the number of increasing refugees. For this reason,
it is not able to protect the rights of the many refugees in terms of giving them security and
enough food, good living conditions and general good life (Hollomey, & Kraler, 2016). For this
reason, there are some policy programs that have been established while others are in the
process to cut down the influx flow of refugees. For instance, rather than allowing refugees
move to Austria, there is a proposal by the Austrian chancellor Sebastian Kurz that the
government of Austria in conjunction with the European nation should provide support military
to refugees. This is to mean establishing safer and secure conditions for refugees in their country
of origin.
It legal for people to claim for asylum because of war and persecution. In fact, the right of
refuges under such conditions is enshrined in the Declaration of Human Rights. It is also a
basic and fundamental principle of international law. Austria has an obligation to ensure the
right of refugees are taken care just like that of any other citizen. This is what the doctrine of
multiculturalism entails. Unfortunately, currently, the Austrian government has failed to
recognize that. This is the reason the refugees receive some kind of treatment that is of no worth
(Rheindorf & Wodak, 2018). Recently, some section of refugees in the country left to start a
new life in the United States. Clearly, these people never departed from Austria for good
reasons. I believe it the extent of poor treatment they receive that made them leave. In fact, the
government of Austria as noted earlier has the obligation of treating refugees as their own. This
is not only under the doctrine of international laws but also under the doctrine of
multiculturalism which care more about humanity.
3.3. Refugees Crisis and post-Brexit multiculturalism in UK
Long-term data reports on international migration in the UK are produced quarterly. They are
composed by detailed breakdowns of the figures raised for migration in each calendar year.
38
Migration in the UK is based on immigrant and asylum seekers. Immigration meaning that
people from their previous places of residence to settle in the UK. Asylum means that people
running away from persecution. Migration figures have subsequently escalated since 1991 with
a figure of 329000 immigrants to 589000 in 2016. This has marked 79 percentages of rising
level of immigration. However, in the reports released in February 2018 net migration have
reduced up to 244000 (World Migration Report 2018).
As result of high level of immigration in the UK mostly by a higher number of refugee who
escape from their unsafe countries and other people seeking employment, it has led to
multiculturalism in the UK. Many Indians felt like they have the right to go to UK as well.
Therefore, it signifies cultural diversity in the UK. Multiculturalism has been helpful in the UK
as it the source of cheap labor for the country. Most restaurants employ people from minority
groups. Immigrants occupy the whole niche of low-skilled of low skilled positions in the labor
market. In a report funded by the Canadian government, it was significant to have a
multicultural society and hiring the immigrant workers is helpful in tapping into local and
international markets. Therefore, it improves and expands cultural awareness and
communication. As a result, it enhances creativity, productivity, and incorporation of diverse
decision from a diverse idea from different cultures. It has been found that as result of allowing
multiculturalism, other countries their representation in the UK. Therefore, UK economy is able
to expand by direct investment in those countries.
According to Liberty Group People (2013), multicultural society leads to more peaceful
society. Those dogmatic countries, which are more conservative, have been found to divide
people from different ilk hence creation tension from outsiders (Barry 2007). Cosmopolitan
society, has allowed people to coexist regardless of their skin color, religion, etc.
Multiculturalism often leads to an exchange of cultures, values, and norms. However, countries
39
that put high bureaucratic measures for immigration remain isolated and hostile to the
multiculturalism. This will render to a society of intolerance and stagnation of the past.
However, multiculturalism in the UK does not face a heavy welcome. Multiculturalism has
turned to a threat to UK local culture. According to the research undertaken by the Guardian
magazine (25th May,2017), more than a half Britons believe that their culture is under risk as
result of minorities culture in the UK. Society has a remained to be a color-coded and guided
society as different races decide to exist separately that’s according to the white comfort zone
segregation research. (Lentin & Titley 2012). As a result, it has led to hostility and wide level
of division in the communities (Lentin & Titley 2012).
Minorities groups have moved out of London and moving to areas, which were
predominantly whites. According to British Broadcasting Company news, it is estimated that a
close to 600,000 Britons mixed from the area of mixed cultures. The isolation gap has widened
to an extent of white people moving away from areas from where minority groups are flocked
to areas, which are cohabited solely by whites’ reason being to maintain their majority status.
In 2017, Aurora Humanitarian Index surveyed nearly 6,500 people in 12 countries UK and
found that 56 percentages of the people believed minorities to interfere with their culture, 24
percentages take away their jobs, and 34 percentages that minorities’ group groups contribute
nothing to their culture.
The rise of Islamophobia in the UK is a result of an influx of refugees in the UK from their
respective Islamic countries. Recently several attacks have been undertaken in London, Paris,
and Madrid. This has posed a higher distrust from the natives even after a push from EU to
assimilate the multiculturalism. It poised a great controversy when study used the cartoons of
Prophet Muhammad to express their grievances. On this matter, the Europeans have demanded
40
the Muslim to adopt their religion, values, and culture to prove their belonging to the culture of
UK.
However, the government aimed to reduce the immigrant level by putting into place several
changes in policies. The limits of immigration for non-EU nationals reduced .in 2011
introduction of employer skilled migration where employee’s minimum skilled and language
requirements have been settled. Each employer required to have a non-EU national required to
possess over 18600 Euros per month. According to Ram, M., and Jones, T. (2008), Non –EU
national graduate entrepreneurs and people with exceptional talents or special abilities were
given an opportunity to migrate to the UK.
In the year 2013, the policy of Asylum operating model was launched so that accelerate the
speed of asylum decision making. The immigration act was intended to deport immigrants who
refused to stay in the UK. It aimed to make a more difficult environment for non-UK people.
Therefore, making it harder for those immigrants to acquire to rent accommodation, open a
bank account or acquiring any license in the UK. Naturalization policy is aimed to make
children born in the UK either by native or settlers to be UK citizens. But children born by
nonresident do not get automatic citizenship. A child born away from the UK can get citizenship
if either a mother or a father is a British citizen.
41
4. The politics of recognition and assimilation
Integration is the key process in terms of achievement some kind of consensus between left and
right society in Europe. The study of integration can contribute to the solution of the crisis of
European identity and minimize xenophobia, racism and public opposition towards
immigration. It do can so only if it explores the model of acculturation that works out not only
in theory but also in practice. Common Basic Principles for Immigrant Integration, the official
document adopted by the European Union, states as follows:
Integration is a dynamic, two-way process of mutual accommodation by all
immigrants and residents of Member States. Integration is a dynamic, longterm, and continuous two-way process of mutual accommodation, not a static
outcome. It demands the participation not only of immigrants and their
descendants but of every resident. The integration process involves
adaptation by immigrants, both men and women, who all have rights and
responsibilities in relation to their new country of residence. It also involves
the receiving society, which should create the opportunities for the
immigrants’ full economic, social, cultural, and political participation.
Accordingly, Member States are encouraged to consider and involve both
immigrants and national citizens in integration policy, and to communicate
clearly their mutual rights and responsibilities. (European Council 2015)
Following this reasoning line, very common European misapprehension that multiculturalism
refers only to the presence of various groups with diverse ethnic and cultural background
without mutual intercultural relations and confluence into a larger society leads to the critics of
multiculturalism as failed policy. For example, from the point of view of Canadian concept of
multiculturalism, it has not failed in Europe. The reason for this is that it has not even been
tried’ (Barry 2007). It would have been tried, perhaps, if integration had not been sacrificed by
filling the gaps of cheap labor market. Multicultural countries outside Europe, such as: New
Zealand, Australia, Singapore, Canada and the U.S. provided very clear immigration policies
concentrating on skilled professionals and international students. It results better preconditions
for assimilation. The genuine foundation of multicultural theory still refers to European origin.
This study concerns a potential threat from the dimension of conservatism with radical features.
42
Such axiological capacity demands unidirectional way of thinking and rejects to accept
compromise or to understand the issue from other perspectives. Populism is the reflection of
this radical recognition and the manifest of primitive critical analysis. Furthermore, it is an
attempt to limit individual freedoms as well as freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and
freedom of religion. Far right populism is just a symptom of this deeper problem of Western
Society. The point is that radicalism is not able to tolerate other opinions. Thus, it by default
excludes the conditions for possible constructive debate. Speculations and other propagandistic
materials often have rather destructive than constructive reasoning. Such materials rather
impose subjective values as predominant, than recognize the politics of difference and multiple
hierarchy of moral principles. If those of ethnocentrism theorists and conservatives, who accept
discrimination or decline to determine themselves with it notwithstanding the evidence, get the
majority in European Parliament, Commission or in governments of the Member States, it can
lead to very serious challenge for Post Modern Western social democracy. ‘In a society that
was non-racist and non-sexist in the sense required by the ideal of assimilation, it would
have to be the case that no political rights or obligations would be connected to race or sex, and
no important institutional benefits would be associated with either’. (Barry 2002)
European society is unique reflection of identical origin of European people and values
shared by them. Multiculturalism does not mean sacrificing the origin of identity. Public
concerns about being a minority group in own country is not populism so far. Populism is rather
considering people who freely express their fears as racists in such a case. Measure is a treasure!
Assimilation is possible only if the number of immigrants are limited. European young people
should start to consider low skilled jobs. Institutions of European Union should consider the
specificity of post-Brexit agenda putting more accent on demographic changes and recent social
tensions in order to implement identity politics properly at all levels. Educating people on the
basics of multiculturalism is very important, especially in multicultural states, in order to make
43
people being aware of and prepared for populist propaganda, xenophobic speculations and other
improper interpretations of public space sharing, integration and so on and so far.
According to Ulrike M. Vieten’s & Scott Poynting’s Contemporary Far-Right Racist
Populism in Europe (2016), ‘the project of supranational governance of the European Union
reflects the role of national and transnational elites’. It should be recognized in perceiving
‘nationalist and xenophobic reaction of Brexit’, the results of parliamentary elections in Austria
and Germany last year, and the potentially multifold ‘exits’ to come. ‘The need for deep-rooted
democratic and egalitarian reform in matters of social and economic policy must be considered
urgently, if alternative, global, visions of social solidarity are to be convincingly offered’
(Vieten & Poynting 2016).
4.1. The Case of UK
Despite multiculturalism in Britain being identified as a fact that is demographic, it is yet,
however, to have its formal affirmation in any legislative, parliamentary or constitutional logic
or sense (Taylor‐Gooby & Waite, 2014 p.269). For sure, the discourse somehow seems to be
moving away from the application of the term multiculturalism and instead is leaning towards
the aspect of integration and cohesion. Irrespective of this, there have been a lot of activities
happening in this field. For instance, in the year 2001, sequences of racialized cases in Burnley,
Bradford and Oldham resulted in the development of a team charged with reviewing of the
cohesion within the community. This plus the terrorists’ incidence of attacks in the year 2005
has led to a discourse that pays attention more to communities (Malik, 2013 p.229). In the year
2005, the government of Britain initiated the Improving Opportunity, Strengthening Society,
an initiative that aimed at the increment of the equality within the races and promoting of
cohesion through assisting people from diverse settings to adapt with their local settling places.
The initiative was finalized in the year 2009. Similarly, the government availed another
strategy, Tackling Race Inequalities that involved varieties of consultations (Taylor‐Gooby &
44
Waite, 2014 p.273). The consultations were supposed to be a part of the continued strategy
equality campaign within the races by the government and report was to be released by the year
2010. Regardless of the various agencies by the government have the obligations associated
with multiculturalism, the Department in charge of Communities and Local Government
probably has a direct involvement since it has the duty of ensuring cohesion and handling
extremism and the anti-social behaviour (Brighton, 2007 p.6). On top of this, Equality Human
Rights Commission, an institution that was formed in the year 2007, handles issues linked with
discrimination, human rights and equity. The organization came as the replacement for the
Equal Opportunities Commission, the Commission handling Racial Equality and the Disability
Rights Commission.
The Caribbean and Muslim related learning institutions that at first founded as separate
entities in the period of the 1970s and the 1980s had not concerned with the provision of the
vernacular education. The system of schooling in the UK has the characteristics of being
monolingual and unicultural (Modood, Triandafyllidou & Zapata-Barrero, 2006 p.45). Despite
the existence of the complementary schools, they, on the other hand, get minimal if available,
support from the government. For sure, many complimentary learning institutions even if
language, religion or culture-oriented were formed in response to the failure registered by the
mainstream system of education in satisfying the needs of the children from the ethnic minority
and their respective communities as whole; a fact that has been assumed willingly by the many
governments of the UK (Brighton, 2007 p.12). The local authorities continue formulating some
provisions for the bilingual class helps. However, these are considered as equipment that
enhances the language capacity of a pupil instead of the critical vernacular language. That is to
say that the policy measures target towards the improvement of the outcomes from the minority
students within the systems in the existing schools instead of the complementary or the optional
based programs
45
Financing of the ethnic groupings and their activities was founded in the mid periods of the
1980s after Britain’s Art Council started targeting the ethnic societies as those who should
benefit from its respective resources (Brighton, 2007 p.16). Regardless of these opportunities
declining in the year 1990s, the Home Office’s Ethnic Minority Grant Program started being
effective in the year 1992. From this time, it began to finance the ethnic groupings by supporting
the volunteer-based activities in Wales and England, Scotland as well. The Commission in
charge of Racial Equality (CRE) at one time also offered funds to the ethnocultural linked
groups. However, this is not ongoing following the reorganization of the Equality and Human
Rights Commission (EHRC) in the year 2007 (Taylor‐Gooby & Waite, 2014 p.281). Instead,
the focus of the EHRC seems to have a close association with the legislative adherence and the
support of the equality instead of financing and offering support to the ethnocultural related
groups (Axel, 2002 p.242). Presently, Big Lottery Fund that was formed in the year 2006 by
parliament does the disbursing of funds collected through the selling of tickets for lottery within
the country. Through the lottery program, several charities, community-linked groups and
schools have the opportunity of making applications for grants for supporting their respective
projects.
The very first act of the UK, Race Relations Act was passed in the year 1965 but it had to
wait up to the year 1976, where it underwent expansion to have the direct and the indirect
incidences of discrimination plus also the remedies linked with its infringement (Modood,
Triandafyllidou & Zapata-Barrero, 2006 p.68). However, in the year 1976, the act allowed for
positive measures that include the service provisions to satisfy the needs of certain groups such
as refugees. In this regard, to contribute towards the strengthening of the Race Relations
Amendment Act of 2000. The act that was amended applies to public based authorities,
governments and schools. Public entities, they must strive towards the elimination of the illegal
aspects of racial discrimination as well as also support the equality regarding opportunity and
46
good relations among persons from varied racial settings (Axel, 2002 p.254). Hence, the act
goes past the anti-discrimination programs to have on the board of the proactive or the positive
forms of measures. On top of this, despite the measures towards the discrimination having been
there before the amendment of the act, it was just after the year 2000 that the government
resorted to the affirmative case or action measures.
Rhetoric associated with multiculturalism type of education has been there from the period
of the 1970s. However, in the year 1981, report from Home Affairs Committee established that
the efforts diverted towards meeting the needs of the students from the minority ethnic
communities in the education still faced limitations (Werbner, 2009 p.34). The National
Curriculum Council that was founded following the 1988 Education Reform Act came up with
the recommendation of multicultural and citizenship form of education to be included as a
constituent of a broader curriculum. However, the adoption of this was never done. Albeit the
same, the report released in the year 1985 on Education For All, came up with a
recommendation on the increment in the focus towards the shared values of Britain in the school
curriculum. The reason is that it would serve as an appreciation of the lifestyle diversities, the
religious, linguistic and cultural roots that constitute the society and world at large (May 1999
p.87). The recommendations were acknowledged, and small expense was set for their use. As
early as the 1990s times, many domestic boards had gone ahead with the integration of
multiculturalism through their respective curriculums. In the year 1991, Brighton, (2007 p.10)
found out that close to 95% of the local based authorities had also proceeded with the adoption
of the multiculturalism or the policies targeting the anti-racism. By the year 1997, the
government of the New Labor established a unit within the department of education for
handling the education success among the ethnic minority.
47
Regardless of the task of delivering diversity within education, and also curriculum
continuing to be left for the local based authorities, the Department in charge of Families,
Children and Schools, that was founded in the year 2007, still sets wider policy (Axel, 2002
p.45). It operates under the guidance of The Children’s Plan: Building Brighter Futures of which
in combination with other things, puts on schools the task of promoting cohesion within the
community on top of diversity, rights of the human beings and equity as well….

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